The following report reviews numerous statistics which exemplify the benefits of wearing a seat belt. It has been determined that seat belts greatly reduce injury and death rates, yet people continue to ride unbelted. To improve rates of seat belt use in my subject, I used an intervention of several theoretical persuasion tactics. As a persuasive communicator, I combined arguments and cues along with the Inoculation Theory to elicit my subject's attitudinal and behavioral change on seat belt use. The data shows that my subject successfully moved from the preparation stage to the action stage.
Failure to wear a seat belt could result in one of many consequences ranging from breaking the law to breaking bones and beyond! Proper seat belt use has been proven to reduce death and injury rates (Sutton & Ciser, 1990). According to the Monongalia Sheriff's Department, the probability of being involved in a motor vehicle accident during a 75 year lifetime is better than 86%. One study showed 60% of serious injuries could have been prevented had people buckled up (Morrow, 1989). Another study found that 75% of nonfatal injuries could be reduced through the use of seat belts (Huston & King, 1988). Still, another study found that 71% of deaths and 67% of the injuries could have been prevented (Cosco,1995). In 1985, 91% of the occupants killed in auto accidents were not wearing seat belts (NHTSA, 1986). Huston and King also found that as many as 50% of non-belted vehicle-occupant fatalities could be completely eliminated through the use of seat belts (1988). A Swedish literature survey claimed that "100% usage of seat belts could save at least 400 out of those 600 car drivers and passengers who get killed each year on Swedish roads and prevent or reduce several thousand injuries (Fhaner & Mane, 1972). Finally, NIOSH has reported that motor vehicle traffic accidents are the leading cause of occupational deaths due to traumatic injuries. They continued to say that, "Studies of the U.S. motor vehicle crashes indicate that as many as 50-60% of serious auto injuries and fatalities are preventable through the use of safety belts." (NIOSH, 1990). From these statistics alone, it is evident that seat belt neglect could mean the difference between life or death.
A survey which included 1500 participants found that 59% of its respondents did not wear seat belts on a regular basis, regardless of the risks involved (Stasson & Fishbein, 1990). With the evidence provided by the previously mentioned statistics, it is a wonder why people will not take precautions and learn to habitually fasten their seat belt upon entering a vehicle.
Neglecting your seat belt could increase the likelihood of self or other being injured or killed in an accident and the likelihood of being charged with not wearing a seat belt where this is the law. The former was my main concern for the target of my healthy influence project. In an effort to reduce health risks, I have used my skills to do all in my power to succeed in influencing one individual's attitude change on using seat belts. Having the capacity to produce a positive, lasting change on someone's attitude and belief structure can be beneficial on an individual and organizational level.
Persuasion is a talent. Companies, businesses, schools, places of worship, and relationships all depend on change for survival. There are always areas which could use improvement, and individuals often propose their own persuasion tactics unique to the situation. Advertising agencies are an excellent example of businesses that utilize persuasion proposals (Rogers & Smith, 1993). Persuasion is a powerful tool which can be used to produce a negative or positive and a lasting or temporary change. The key to successful persuasion is a skillful persuader, and I can be that asset to your company. Take a look.
In considering my target, I wanted to work with someone with whom I spent a considerable amount of time. This prerequisite was necessary because I wanted to be able to see their progression. I felt change would be possible if I were present for the process. I have chosen my boyfriend to be the target of my healthy influence project. He is a 23 year old, Caucasian, middle-upper class male from a rural town in West Virginia. A relevant report cited, " People living in large cities tend to use seat belts more than those living in small cities and they in turn tend to use belts more than rural residents" (Fhaner & Hane, 1972). The same study reported no difference in sex differences and belt use. However, older individuals, more educated individuals, individuals with higher socio-economic status, and whites as opposed to African-Americans all reported to have higher seat belt usage. Also pertinent to his description is his mesomorphic body type. Body types are associated with personality characteristics. Relevant to my subject's body type, are the following characteristics: confidence, controlling, masculinity, and egotistical. I believe that these demographic details contribute to his reluctance to wear a seat belt. My target has advantages pertinent to our culture, which in his mind may leave him feeling invincible at times. At the onset of this project, I generated possible reasons for his seat belt neglect. One potential cause for my subject's seat belt neglect could stem from the defensive- avoidance hypothesis. This hypothesis suggests that in order to reduce the anxiety the reaction is avoidance of the belts literally and symbolically. In other words, his line of reasoning could be "If I put on my seat belt, I am recognizing the risk of being involved in an accident." He could be associating seat belts with accidents; hence, seat belts are an anxiety- producing symbol. By applying this theory to my situation, if my subject were to take precautions for an accident, he would be acting inconsistently with his illusion of invulnerability. Another idea that I had was that he was not comfortable strapped down because of his large frame. Discomfort, according to one study, is a main reason for seat belt neglect (Stasson & Fishbein, 1990). Another report further supports this claim, "Many of the non-users have no objections to belts, stating forgetfulness, laziness, etc. as reasons for non-use... Inconveniences and discomfort are frequent answers" (Fhaner and Hane, 1972).
My boyfriend's personality characteristics and value system were relevant factors which determined his willingness to change. Regarding personality, my target is sensitive to other's needs. His undergraduate degree in Environmental Protection demonstrates his concern for his surroundings. I found it ironic however that my subject had not habitually utilized an obvious source of protection which could directly affect his life. My target is also an optimist. He rarely considers worst case scenarios or prepares for unfortunate twists of fate. We often travel together on long and short distance excursions. Prior to this task, I had only seen my boyfriend wear a seat belt on one occasion. That occasion was during a 320 mile road trip during Blizzard '96. One study suggested that people will wear seat belts under certain circumstances, for instance in foul weather conditions or when the driver is under the influence of drugs or alcohol (Stasson & Fishbein, 1990). Fhaner and Hane's study offers situational variables in which seat belt usage by vehicle occupants increases:
Traffic Environment. All the studies of seat belt use in highway traffic and city traffic report a considerably higher usage in highway traffic.
Distance. The longer the distance to be traveled the more likely one is to "buckle up".
Speed. In situations where one is liable to drive at a high speed one is more likely to put on the seat belt than in other situations.
Weather Conditions. Studies based on verbal reports indicate that belt usage tends to be higher when the weather is bad.
The implication of these studies is that under extreme conditions a non-regular wearer will wear their seat belt. This was the case for my target.
Out of concern for my subject, I intended to change his attitude and eventually the corresponding behavior regarding seat belt usage. In researching statistics on seat belts, I found that most fatal auto accidents occur at speeds of less than 35 miles per hour and within three to five miles of the victim's home. One article stated that over 80% of all crashes occur at speeds lower than 40 miles per hour (Cosco, 1995). Since these statistics show contradictory evidence on auto accident occurances, my boyfriend's current seat belt use pattern needs to be altered to habitual usage. In other words, my boyfriend's tendency to buckle up under extreme conditions will not be helpful for the majority of potential accidents.
My boyfriend's devotion and loyalty to his family is the basis of his values. He often stresses the importance of his family. He has shared stories which exemplify his mother's influence on him. My target used to smoke cigarettes, but his mother convinced him to quit. She repeatedly reminded him of the health risks linked to cigarette smoking and of her own disapproval on the matter. Familial importance is also evident when my boyfriend discusses his plans for the future. He is anxious to become a father and adopt the responsibilities of being completely independent.
Another factor which influenced my decision in choosing my target was my boyfriend's intellectual capacity. He and I enjoy discussions and elaborating on issues. I predicted that he would be both willing and able to elaborate on the arguments that I presented regarding seat belts, since that behavior is already common for him.
With the previously discussed details in mind, I initially had a good feeling that my healthy influence change was possible. I felt fortunate in this situation because I know that my boyfriend cares about me and will try to adjust his behaviors so that they are pleasing to me. For instance; I am a vegetarian, and when we eat together our meals are accommodating to my lifestyle. Out of concern and respect for me; he has complied with my requests. My influence has also shown up in his recent preference for music. The previous examples are supportive of Cialdini's work on CLARCCS cues. Particularly, the liking cue- when you like the source, do what the source requests. Attractiveness is linked to this rule. If the receiver finds the source likable and attractive, the chances of compliance increase (Cialdini, 1993).
Different strategies for increasing seat belt use, such as incentives and rewards, are offered by organizations. For example, Virginia Yoakum of the WVU Wellness Center devoted one day to demonstrate her concern for safe driving on WVU's campus. She was dressed up as a crash test dummy. For every buckled rider who passed her at Grubien Island, she gave away candy. For every unbuckled rider she handed out pamphlets on accident statistics which were provided by Monongalia Sheriff Department. Ms. Yoakum said she received positive feedback for her efforts. Another example of organizational tactics for increased seat belt usage comes from the Department of Health and Human Services. They report that with mandatory seat belt legislation, only 50% of those covered complied with the rule. In their attempts to gain more compliance from workers, additional tactics were used. For instance, upon arriving at their work place, workers were checked to see if they were wearing their belts. A similar facility implemented an incentives program, which was participation in a lottery with substantial prizes (Millar, 1990). Since incentives and prizes generally produce short term results, I chose to eliminate this tactic as a possible motivator for change.
The Elaboration Likelihood Model (ELM) provided a guide for my persuasion process. The ELM, which was designed by Richard Petty and John Cacioppo, suggests that variations in persuasion function according to the receiver's likelihood of elaborating on the pertinent issue (O'Keefe, 1993). This dual process model allows the persuader to choose either a peripheral or a central route to persuasion. The peripheral route depends on cues which persuade without much thought on the receiver's behalf. The central route relies on arguments which contain information which bears on the central merits of attitude object.
By incorporating cues (in times of my subject's seemingly low elaboration likelihood) with arguments as the basis of my project, I was able to use persuasion at all relevant times. Because I knew that cues could be beneficial, I chose to use them to assist in changing my subject's behavior. My ultimate goal was to create an attitude change which would directly affect my target's behavior. I intended for my subject to benefit from the outcomes of successful persuasion through the central route. These outcomes include: persistence - long lasting effects, resistance - using reasoning to resistant counter arguments, and prediction - future decisions which reflect previous use.
Once I had used up my cues and arguments and believed that some persuasion had occurred, I implemented the Inoculation strategy. I added this strategy at the end of my project to see if I had produced an attitude change. The following paragraphs provide an explanation of the procedure I used to elicit change.
Prior to onset of my project, I determined that my target was in the preparation stage of the Transtheoretical Model. He does not reject the idea that seat belts save lives and prevent injuries. He simply avoids taking the precautionary measure of buckling up. Since I have at least seen him use his seat belt, I placed him in the preparation stage, meaning he is preparing to use seat belts more often. My goal is to move my target into the action or habit stage of the model. If my target moves into the action stage, he will begin to wear his seat belt but not habitually. This habitual use is the goal of the habit stage. In general I did not feel that I was dealing with a particularly difficult persuasion task. For instance, people who do not wear seat belts are not dependent on a drug or substance. By incorporating change, the subject will not experience withdraw symptoms or suffer from other extreme discomfort. Buckling up is mainly an issue that people do not think about or think is a necessary precautionary measure to take.
Soon after I learned of this project, I proposed to my boyfriend the possibility of using him as my target. At that time I also expressed my interest in seat belt usage as my healthy influence topic. Approximately one month later without mentioning my plans, I began using arguments for seat belt usage based on my boyfriend's point of view on relevant issues. I suspect that my boyfriend forgot about my assignment.
The first argument concerned safety for his own children in the future. My argument was, "Children model adults, especially their parents. If you are concerned about properly raising children one day, you should think about fastening your seat belt now. This way, you will not risk misguiding your children." The American Academy of Pediatrics stated, "If you treat buckling up as a normal part of living - something to be done automatically - your children, generally, will follow your lead." They also note that if all others in the car, including adults, are not buckled up, the child may decide that safety is just kidstuff (AAOP, 1991). I used this argument while my boyfriend and I were on our way to my relative's house. My boyfriend laughed at the hypothetical situation and sarcastically said, "Well, I guess I'll start now." He proceeded to buckle up. He and I had planned to take my five year old cousin for the day. By giving my subject the responsibility of strapping my cousin in the car, he was gaining experience as a model. He knew from our previous discussion that he had to also use his seat belt as long as we were with my younger cousin.
Another pertinent argumentative strategy still concerning children were statistics in pamphlet form which stated, "In 1989 more than 700 children under the age of five were killed as passengers in automobiles. Many of the thousands injured are left permanently disabled, physically and/or mentally." As a matter of fact, traffic accidents are also the leading cause of death and injury for older children, teenagers, and young adults, right up to age 35 (AAOP, 1991). I used this argument in conversation after I had learned that my boyfriend's younger brother was involved in a car accident.
A separate issue upon which I developed arguments was my concern for his survival and health. My message was positive and shortcoming of criticism, "You are in control of health factors in your life such as proper diet with correct exercise and sleep patterns; Why are you taking other preventive measures yet neglecting your responsibility to buckle your seat belt?"
Another question I asked was, "Why aren't you taking measures to protect your future if having a family is so important to you?" This argument was intended to push my subject into the cognitive dissonance mode, demanding a rationalization. My target admitted that it is important to him to practice a healthy lifestyle, and he is rewarded by visible results. He continued to say that he does not feel threatened when driving because he feels in control. He argued that he does use a seat belt when he feels threatened because he has had a few drinks or the weather has been bad. The target did not give in and wear his seat belt in reaction to our discussion.
I borrowed additional information from the American Academy of Pediatrics pamphlet to form an argument to get my subject to understand why buckling up saves lives (1991). In a crash, anyone not buckled up is slammed with tremendous force into the windshield, the instrument panel, or out of the vehicle into the roadway. By holding occupants in place, belts can prevent serious injuries and death.
I shared this information with my subject as I told a story of another cousin who had been seriously injured in a car accident several years ago. My cousin had been in the rear of the car when the accident occurred. Consequently, he was thrown 30 feet from the vehicle because he was not wearing a seat belt. I made the statistics seem like knowledge I had gained from the accident report. I did not want to insult my target's intelligence, since the information is logical.
My final argument was designed on the basis of statistics alone. I pretended to be a recipient of the pamphlet passed out to non-users by Virginia Yoakum. Many of the statistics cited in this paper were included in the pamphlet. I obtained a pamphlet and threw it on the passenger's seat of my car. I proceeded to my boyfriend's house and had him go to the store with me. He looked over the pamphlet. My boyfriend did not buckle up after reading the pamphlet; however, he did ask me where it came from. I lied and explained I had been in traffic on campus, did not have my seat belt on, and was handed that pamphlet. When we got back into the car, he glanced at the pamphlet and nonchalantly fastened his seat belt.
When possible, and during times that I perceived my subject to be a lo-watt thinker, I implemented cues to assist in my strategy for change to occur. One technique that I was interested in is the CLARCCS cue of comparison. Where the rule states, "When other people are doing it, you should too." I tested this tactic when myself, my subject, and two other passengers were going to Pittsburgh for a shopping trip. I privately asked the other two passengers to buckle up right after they heard my seat belt snap, soon after we loaded in my car. These passengers acted as "ringers" according to Cialdini's theory. I wanted to see if the obvious sound of buckling belts would trigger my subject to act subconsciously on cue. My subject wore his seat belt to and from Pittsburgh.
Cialdini's liking cue also provided me with a workable strategy. The rule explains the cue, "When you like the source, do what the source requests." I implemented this cue during several instances. I repeatedly used small requests which did not require much thought on behalf of my target. For instance, every time I was present when my boyfriend was leaving in his car, I would remind him to be careful and to wear a seat belt. In demonstrating my concern for my boyfriend's safety, I suspect that my request is played over in his mind once he is in the car. I am unsure of how often this tactic gets him to buckle up; however, once I acted like I had left something in the car and ran outside before he pulled away, and he was wearing his belt. Attractiveness is an attribute for the liking cue. Perhaps, because my target and I are mutually attracted to each other, compliance came more readily.
I used liking to another degree. My subject and I were on our way to Canaan Valley for the weekend. The trip is approximately one hour and thirty minutes away. For the first time I explicitly revealed my concern. I told my boyfriend, "I care deeply about you, and it makes me nervous and upset to see you go without a seat belt." He simply buckled up and said nothing about my comment. I am convinced his decision to remain silent meant he agreed that driving can be dangerous, and my concern was genuine.
I experimented with catchy phrases as cues to get my target to buckle up. While traveling through Maryland, my boyfriend was motivated to use his seat belt after reading a highway billboard which read, "Buckle up, we care and it's our law!" I interpreted my subject's actions as his cooperation with the law and authority figures. Another one of the CLARCCS cues is authority. The corresponding rule is "When the source is an authority, do what the source requests."
After leaving a bar once, I asked my boyfriend to wear his seat belt. He responded that it was uncomfortable. I was aware that my target was not thinking deeply and replied, "If you think wearing a seat belt is uncomfortable, you should try wearing a neck brace." This technique was not persuasive enough because he mumbled that he had wore one before and turned toward the window.
Commercials were a helpful provider of catchy phrases. One in particular caught my target off guard. The commercial showed a demolished car followed by a person in a body bag. A background voice said, "If you don't buckle up, we'll do it for you." The final image was the body bag being strapped to a stretcher. My target did not say anything; but I could tell it had made an impact, and he was thinking about the message. One study found television commercials to be useful in changing subjects views on driving safety. The most effective commercials were those using a rational approach "showing a diagram of the effectiveness of a belt in protecting a little boy from being thrown against a dash board and pointing out the 'critical distance' between life and death" (Fhaner & Hane, 1972).
My final strategy was designed to measure my target's beliefs on seat belt usage after I had applied all of my other strategies. We were watching the nightly news together when footage was shown of a fatal tractor trailer accident on I-68. The news anchor reported that the occupant was not wearing a seat belt. I blurted out, "It doesn't look like a seat belt would have made a difference." My boyfriend responded, "It could have." I could not help but to smile. By using the Inoculation Theory, I was able to assess that my target now holds positive views for seat belt usage. The understanding of the Inoculation Theory is the best defense is a good offense. By arguing my negative comment on seat belts, my subject demonstrated and strengthened his new belief of seat belt effectiveness.
My efforts to produce a positive change were valuable. Throughout the project I watched my target move from the preparation stage into the action stage. My boyfriend seems to wear his seat belt frequently but not habitually. I realize that frequent use is not helpful when automobile accidents are freak occurances. However, I consider what I have done an accomplishment. My subject is now thinking about the problem and taking precautionary measures most often during the extreme conditions which were mentioned earlier. When I completed strategies and recorded my results, I let my boyfriend proof read my paper. That was the first time my boyfriend learned that he was my target and was exposed to all of the statistics which are included in my report. I imagine that showing my boyfriend my mostly completed report was a tactic in itself. In other words, my subject may continue to increase his seat belt usage based on what he learned in my report. I do not intend to give up now, because one study found that the greatest effects of change from a campaign to increase seat belt usage often come after 18 months (Fhaner & Hane, 1972). The previous paragraphs indicate particular instances when I used strategies to elicit my target's attitudinal and behavioral changes. We did take some trips when no arguments or cues were used to assist his behavior. I was curious to see how often my subject would buckle up and if there were certain conditions which motivated him to do so. At all times, I wore my seat belt. He and I alternated driving. Here is what I found.
DATE,ARGS/CUES/NONE,RIDE LENGTH,WEAR SEAT BELT,DRIVER
2-24-96 argument- child safety,45 min. ride yes,to and from,me
2-25-96 none 5 min. ride,no,me
2-25-96 none,5 min. ride,no,me
2-26-96 statistical subject.
2-26-96 none,5 min. ride,yes,subject
2-28-96 healthy living,20 min. ride,no,me
3-1-96 a story about injured with my subject.
3-1-96 I requested that my boyfriend drive safely during spring break.
3-11-96 cue-comparison,1 hr. 15 min. ride,yes,to and from,me
3-15-96 cue-liking enforced,1 hr. 30 min. ride,yes,to and from,subject
3-16-96 After requesting that my subject buckle up, him belt fastened.
3-21-96 pamphlet,5 min. ride,yes,to and from,me
3-22-96 none,20 min. ride,yes, coming home,subject
3-23-96 cue-authority,3 hr. 30 min. ride,yes, part of the trip,me.
3-25-96 none,25 min. ride,yes,to and from,subject
3-27-96 cue-thoughtless phrase,10 min. ride,no,me
3-28-96 I implemented the Inoculation Theory based on a local news story.
3-29-96 none,5 min. ride,yes,me
One area that I had trouble with was determining an actual percentage of seat belt use once I began to use my strategies. For example, additional excursions were taken but not included on the chart above. I did not consider my project every time my boyfriend and I got into a car. Also, the subject obviously traveled on other occasions, and his seat belt use at those times is undetermined. I also failed to calculate weather conditions and speed limits as factors in the results. Based on my recollections, my target seemed to be more nervous about foul weather, busy city traffic, and high speeds as one might suspect. I can determine, however that my subject proved to dramatically increase his seat belt usage. I was surprised to see that cues were so helpful in gaining compliance on my target's behalf. For the most part, usage steadily increased as the project continued. Arguments were determined with the subject in mind. I feel they played a powerful role in the persuasion process. However, it was difficult to use them in a discreet manner.
I mentioned expected results earlier in the paper. If arguments were used effectively, they should have produced persistence, resistance, and prediction of my subject's behaviors. It is difficult to determine whether or not my subject will continue to move toward the habitual stage of the Transtheoretical Model. Since the last day of the project, I have noticed consistency in my boyfriend's frequent seat belt usage. I trust that by reading my report, my boyfriend is fully aware of my concern and of the threats of neglecting one's seat belt. This reasoning could provide an explanation for my subject's behavioral change.
My evaluation of the target after I applied the Inoculation Theory proved that he is willing to resist opposing arguments. Resistance is the second outcome that I had hoped for my subject. I predict that my subject would be more likely to try to influence, rather than side with a non-user supportive of an opposing argument.
The final anticipated effect that I had hoped for my subject concerns predictability of his future actions regarding seat belt usage. As the two previous paragraphs imply, I predict that my subject's usage will continue. I believe that habitual use on my subject's behalf is not an unreachable goal. If my target chooses to make a conscious effort to become a habitual seat belt user, he may not be the only benefactor. His actions could continue through parenting and reflect in his children's behaviors one day.
American Academy of Pediatrics. (1991). Are You Using Your Car Seat Correctly? [Brochure]. Elk Grove Village, IL .
Cialdini, R. B. (1993). Influence: Science and Practice. (3rd ed.). Harper Collins: College Publishers.
Cisar, J., & Sutton, S. (1990). The Decision to Wear a Seat Belt: The Role of Cognitive Factors, Fear and Prior Behaviour. Psychology and Health, 4 (2), 111-123.
Cosco Inc., Juvenile Products Group. (1995). Travel With Baby: An Informational Booklet About Choosing and Using Car Seats [Brochure]. Columbus, IN.
Fhaner, G., & Hane, M. (1973). Seat Belts: Factors Influencing Their Use A Literature Survey. Accident Analysis and Prevention, 5 (1), 27-43.
Fishbein, M., & Stasson, M. (1990). The Relation Between Perceived Risk and Preventive Action: A Within-Subject Analysis of Perceived Driving Risk and Intentions to Wear Seat Belts. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 20 (19), 1541-1557.
Huston, R., & King, T. (1988). The Seat Belt Defense - An Analysis of Several Accident Scenarios. Forensic Reports, 1 (3), 219 - 228.
Millar, J. D. (1990). NIOSH Testimony on Occupant Protection in Motor Vehicles. NIOSH, 1-14.
Morrow, Robert. (1989). A School Based Program to Increase Seat Belt Use. The Journal of Family Practice, 29 (5), 517-520.
O'Keefe, D.J. (1993). Persuasion: Theory and Research. (2nd ed.). New Berry Park: Sage Publications.
Rogers, M., & Smith, K. (1993). Public Perceptions of Subliminal Advertising: Why Practitioners Shouldn't Ignore This Issue. Journal of Advertising Research 10-17.
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Updated May 6, 1996; Copyright © Gretchen Cushman, 1996.
Used with author's permission for the Comm 221 course.